This week I saw an absolutely horrendous take on Twitter by Chris Arnade and felt compelled to discuss it. This is partially because the positions are incorrect, but also because his discussion itself was in bad faith and actively worsens our dialogue. Are there bad takes on Twitter every minute? Yes, but hey, I saw this one.
Here is the thread:
First, let’s start with the object-level fact that hundreds of millions of people were lifted out of poverty in China. The intentions of the advocates of free trade isn’t relevant to this fact, what’s relevant is whether a particular policy improved the well being and life expectancy of millions of people. This is equivalent to claiming Jonas Salk was only in it for the name recognition, and therefore, we shouldn’t have used the polio vaccine.
Next, Arnade is simply wrong about the intentions of his political opponents, claiming they only support free trade because of greed. He then obfuscates the target of his accusations by using the ever popular term “elites”. Free traders have been talking about the moral benefits of trade forever. Friedman wrote Capitalism and Freedom in 1962, 10 years before Nixon’s visit to China, and The Economist was founded to repeal the Corn Laws in 1843. Saying Milton Friedman was defending free trade just to make money off of China’s market liberalizations decades later is just lazy argumentation.
So Arnade is wrong about their intentions, but are these even the “elites”? As far as I can tell Chris doesn’t have a good definition of elites. I noted in the past:
He claimed on his interview on EconTalk, that while elites are abandoning faith, it remains an important aspect of life to more everyday people. This divide is not borne out by the data. Income doesn’t predict church attendance, and according to Gallup, the difference in church attendance between college educated and non-college educated is within the margin of error. If you want things that predict church membership, you should use age (young people are less religious) or political ideology (those identifying as “conservative” are far more likely to go to church than those calling themselves “liberal”).
If Arnade doesn’t have a good definition of elites, then it seems pretty duplicitous to then claim “elites” have any particular position since we can’t identify who he is talking about. Even if such a group existed, surely there would be many different positions and ideas within this group. Not for Chris though, everyone in this group is one in the same. And it seems especially malicious to then claim that not only does this group with no definition exist, but they have specific stated incorrect claims! In fact, Arnade has identified these claims from an imaginary group as fake and then reveals the “true” beliefs which are, of course, simply greed. This is not just a strawman, ladies and gentleman, but indeed strawwomen and strawchildren too.
It’s plausible that someone could have disagreements with free traders, but just ignoring their arguments and claiming they’re only after money is a terrible way to learn and improve our understandings of the world. We should be engaging with each other’s ideas sincerely, not attributing hidden values to people we disagree with. I guess I find this especially upsetting because EconTalk, Russ Roberts’ podcast, does such a good job of emphasizing those values of charity and understanding, and Arnade was recently a guest on that podcast. To see someone who was treated very charitably turn around and be so underhanded on Twitter is quite disappointing.
Let’s return to China. Arnade discusses a “deal” where the U.S. allowed human rights abuses hoping that democracy would follow. I know of no one who has ever said that. In fact, the opposite occurred: the Cultural Revolution killed 500,000 people, ending in 1976 and following the Great Leap Forward which killed some 18 million people in the lowest estimates. Since trade liberalizations began, nothing on that scale has occurred again.
The interest in China from Nixon was as a tool in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. Democracy was really not the goal. Moreover, the U.S. didn’t dictate to China to liberalize its economy, the market liberalizations were largely from within Deng Xiaoping’s government. In fact, I’m not really sure the U.S. would even be able to extract human rights improvements through protectionist policies. What is the model we would base it on? Cuba? Iran? North Korea? Venezuela? All have become wonderful bastions of human rights following American sanctions.
Also, I should bring up the simple libertarian critique that even if you have the perfect policy, the perfect knowledge of exactly how a foreign government will react to sanctions and trade agreement details, government is not an impartial executor of policy. Democratic forces and interest groups will always mutate policy as it passes through government, and it will not be implemented in the idealized fashion you might like. For example, what does the phrase “U.S. foreign policy human rights record” conjure up?
It’s true that China has not become a democracy, while many foreign policy types certainly believed it could happen, particularly in the 90s. Chris seems to think he predicted this outcome (not cited). Suppose you knew this, would you change policy? In a choice between a poorer China without democracy and a richer China without democracy, it seems we should choose the richer one because, you know, we want good things for all humans, not just people who live in the same country as us.
Finally, let’s get to the economics here. There is no “us” who “exported our factories”. Individual firms make decisions in a complex economy. And those decisions have been that as a percentage of the total, manufacturing jobs peaked in the 40s prior to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China:
Arnade seems to understand that as he cites the recent scandal in the NBA where the Houston Rockets GM tweeted in support of the Hong Kong protesters, and quickly deleted it under a firestorm. Yet, Arnade switches between U.S. trade policy, governed by Congress (allegedly), and private firms making profit maximizing decisions without bothering to differentiate them.
It’s unclear exactly how Arnade wanted U.S. policy to intervene to stop private firms from making their own decisions. He cites an upcoming book, but provides no details. He also cites anti-labor policy, and I have heard similar discussions from economist Noah Smith, and many others associated with the new neoliberal movement. My problem is that given all the weird deceitfulness and strawmanning, I have no reason to trust Chris when we finally get to the policy discussion. I agree with him that the NBA or Blizzard caving to the Chinese government is a bad thing, but saying more robust industrial policy would have changed that is a non-sequitur.
Moreover, there are still tons of benefits from trade with China. The smartphone revolution changed the way we interacted with the world, and mostly in good ways I believe. This happened in part because of Chinese manufacturing allowing anyone to buy a highly complex piece of technology for cheap. On the other hand, technologies we have a dimmer view on today, like social media, are entirely U.S. grown.
There are problems in the world today, but we need to improve our level of dialogue if we want to solve them. Refusing to engage with well known arguments that critique your position and instead going on uncharitable Twitter threads is something we should avoid.