Global Climate Snapshot: Fall 2013

Time to see what the planet is up to these days according to The Official Data.

Oceans And Ice

1. Arctic Sea Ice. After a record low last year, the arctic ice cap recovered with record growth that left it with only the 7th-lowest minimum ever. But that’s still historically low, so was it just an example of “two steps down, one step up”? Maybe, though the rebound was so high that it rivaled recent recovery years after the previous 2007 record low; in other words, it was more like “two steps down, two steps back up.” But the fall refreeze is stating to fall behind 2008, so we’ll have to see if the northern hemisphere can keep out of its new lower range or not. If not, then YES the arctic still looks like it’s melting.

2. Antarctic Sea Ice. Meanwhile, the southern ice cap continues to refuse to melt. Depending on which data you look at, this year’s maximum was either the highest or third-highest ever, the second year in a row of record or near-record ice levels. NO, the Antarctic sea ice still shows no evidence – indeed, the exact opposite – of a warming planet.

3. Sea Level Rise. The data is still tracking at 3.2mm per year. 2013 is on track for another record sea level, but there is still zero sign of acceleration since the 1990’s.

Temperature

4. US Heat. The United States is on track to have its 28th warmest year ever – up from 40th through June. That still doesn’t sound very scary, although after last year’s record high it’s still pretty high for a low year, and if you draw a line across the high years from the 1980’s and the low years from the 1980’s they both look like they’re going up. YES the US looks like a warming country.

5. World Heat. The global data, however, remains ambiguous. The year 2013 has bumped up from seventh-warmest in June to sixth-warmest through September, but I’m still seeing a pretty straight line since the late 1990’s, or NO rise in global temperatures for 15+ years.

Weather Disasters

6. Drought. US drought has improved further since the summer, especially in the more extreme categories. 2013 still looks like a pretty bad year, though, continuing the trend of the last 2-3 years, though I’m pretty sure we are still nowhere near the extreme historical drought years of the 1930’s.

Three months ago, the “West” region was on track for a record dry year and the “Upper Midwest” was on track for a record wet year, possibly suggesting an increase in extremes. Since then, however, the regions have fallen to second-dryest and eleventh-wettest, respectively, possibly suggesting that the shorter trends were just noise in a mass of data.

7. Tornadoes. US tornadoes appear to be on track for a record low year, which is remarkable considering the likely poorer detection of such events in the past. As you might expect, the statistics on the stronger F3+ tornadoes show no increase, either. NO things are not getting worse with tornadoes.

8. Wildfires. Despite the headlines, US 2013 wildfire data is little changed since the summer, with the year still on pace for the lowest number of wildfires and second-lowest number of acres in the last 10 years. With the season winding down we are likely on pace for a pretty uneventful year; we’ll look at the long-term data in January.

9. Atlantic Hurricane Season. This year is turning out to be quite a dud, with only 2 named hurricanes so far, neither of them major, and only a month or so of declining activity left to go.

10. Pacific Hurricane Season. The Pacific has had quite a bit more action, with eight hurricanes and and eleven typhoons. I’m not as familiar with this side of the planet yet, but it doesn’t look like we’re breaking any records this year, though I’m not sure yet about long-term trends.

Conclusion

So far in 2013, the Arctic and Antarctic ice levels both look very good, though the long-term trend in the Arctic is still very bad. Things still do not seem to be getting worse with global temperatures, US tornadoes, or hurricanes in the oceans. In January we’ll look at the entire year of 2013 and give an update to the highly anticipated Global Alarm Bell (GAB) Index!

The Coming Dominance Of Electric Cars (And the Death of Ethanol?)

Electric cars continue to rise. I still see conservatives hating on them, and as I said a few months ago, I still think that hate is increasingly misplaced.

I still see conservatives hating on electric cars for the government subsidies being poured into them. As I said before, that’s a very good reason to hate on them; the arbitrary favor means we’ll never know what better innovations we might be forfeiting. But I was recently reminded of a similar subsidy for good ol’ oil-and-gas cars that doesn’t tend to generate as much outrage: ETHANOL.

The government’s terribly excessive ethanol subsidies and mandates arguably cause far more damage, and – in the classic spirit of overactive government programs contradicting themsleves – every subsidized electric car reduces the demand for subsidized ethanol. Since ethanol is just so terrible, I find that hard not to celebrate.

I still see conservatives hating on electric cars for the energy it takes to charge the batteries, but it still requires comparing the most energy-efficient oil-and-gas cars to the least energy-efficient electricity sources, which is still an increasingly losing argument.

But there’s one losing argument that might be officially lost. I used to see conservatives hating on electric cars for how poorly they were selling (here’s a random diatribe from April). This was a reasonable argument while the facts supported it; the government was spending a lot of money to stimulate demand for these things and the public still didn’t seem to really want it.

But we may be turning a corner. It appears that the public may really want these things after all.

Electric vehicles barely existed in 2010. Last year’s sales tripled from the year before, and this year’s is on pace to double to somewhere around 100,000. Range anxiety? What range anxiety? Remember the alleged chicken-and-egg problem of not enough demand for electric cars to sustain electric charging stations to sustain demand for electric cars? Well somewhere between the market and the subsidies that seems to be solving itself too:

If these trends continue, the old conservative mocking of such-and-such brand only selling so many hundred models in such-and-such quarter will increasingly look like petty tribal banter. It seems like every week now we hear about a new car manufacturer working on adding an electric vehicle to their lineup; apparently it’s not just Elon Musk that’s onto something with Tesla – which, by the way, is getting ready to release its electric SUV.

Does all this mean the government subsidies were worth it? Of course not. But I said it before and I’ll say it again: Conservatives need to stop arguing we should stop subsidizing electric cars because they’re so bad that they don’t do any good, and start arguing we should stop subsidizing electric cars because they’re getting so good that they don’t need the subsidies anyway. And while we’re at it, let’s cut the cord on ethanol. Although, if we don’t, I’m starting to think electric cars might just do it for us.

Too Big To Govern

In the wake of the latest United States government shutdown, the punditry is letting loose with all manner of pet theories regarding why our politics seem so dysfunctional these days. Some blame the rise of the Internet and/or ideological media for inducing “epistemological closure,” (i.e. being able to only get news that reinforces your existing biases). Predictably, conservatives blame socialistic Obama policies for undermining the longstanding fabric of our country and liberals blame obstructionist white Tea Partiers for refusing to let go of the control they think they’ve always had.

One interesting theory comes from George Friedman, who blames the decline of corrupt party bosses for the rise in ideological candidates. My own pet theory is that the United States is simply becoming – if I may uncleverly adapt an overused meme – Too Big To Govern.

Friedman thinks Presidents from the Wilson to Kennedy era were more “impressive” than the Carter to Obama era. I think his piece has a bit of “narrative fallacy” (see Taleb’s Black Swan and then Silver’s The Signal And The Noise), which means looking for tidy, simple explanations of complex events, though he may well be explaining an important and overlooked factor.

I wonder, though, if the common thread between all the Presidents listed is that they all pretty much oversaw a century of growth in both government power and, within that, a growth in consolidated power under the executive branch. I wonder how that effects the ideological interests of different yet increasingly larger groups who increasingly have more at stake (or at least think they have more at stake) in what the government does.

People will invariably bring up European countries which often have the appearance of similar levels of “big government,” but they are generally done at smaller scales with populations more equivalent in size to US states – and often more homogenous too. The United States may be unique in trying to increasingly manage the interests of 300 million people through one centralized and increasingly powerful yet also democratic government. Is it any wonder things are starting to get a bit touchy?

Of course, I could simply be wrong. Can you point to any examples of a larger population managed democratically (technically democratic republic yeah yeah blah blah), and by so active a government? The Soviet Union was certainly a “Bigger” government, but it had no democracy. And modern China doesn’t have one yet. The European Union has about 500 million people, but its political influence is neither as broad or deep as the US government’s upon its own citizens. What if we’re in uncharted territory here? What if democracy simply can’t handle this much activity at this large a scale?

Even if only one-third of America is truly against Obamacare, that’s still about one hundred million people having severe disagreements with another one or two hundred million people. Presumably one-third of our leaders have always had the political ability to, say, shut down the government like this… why is it only becoming so apparent now?

As populations grow and as government does more, what if we now have unprecedented levels of disagreement about what the government does? As Friedman notes, we’re nowhere near Civil-War-level acrimony, so maybe things aren’t so unprecedented after all, but one can’t help but wonder if we’re at least taking tiny steps in that direction. (I’m at least updating my Bayesian priors on expecting somebody to attempt secession from, say, 1% to 2%.)

Overall, this is a pessimistic view that I don’t want to hold, and I welcome any rebuttals. I still believe democracy is “the worst form of government except for all the others that have been tried,” and I want to believe it’s quite a bit better than the others, too.

It’s easy to say that we could make it work if it just wasn’t for those other guys (i.e. Tea Party obstructionists), but of course you can always make democracy work if you eliminate the people who don’t think like you. The United States has more or less successfully handled diverse viewpoints for a couple hundred years, and the question is whether or not it can continue to do so. Maybe reforms like Congressional term limits, campaign finance limits, or proportional representation can smooth things along for a couple hundred more million citizens. Maybe it can only keep working at this level if the government doesn’t try to do so much. Maybe the current levels of dysfunction and polarization aren’t really so historically unprecedented. Maybe it will keep working anyway. But maybe we’re simply becoming Too Big To Govern.

I’m Sick of Fake Republicans Fake Worshipping Their Fake Little Constitution

Ted Cruz stole the show at last weekend’s Value Voters Summit. His speech was littered with small-government rhetoric about the virtues of “freedom” and “liberty” and “free market values” and the “Constitution” and how Obama is destroying “this great nation” with all his “big government.”

I liked Cruz when I first heard about him. He seemed like he might be a smart, articulate libertarian-ish Republican defender of Constitutional principles and legitimate small government. But the more I heard from him, the more uneasy I became. He seemed too populist, too partisan, too eager to blame Obama for every possible problem in the world, but I haven’t put my finger on what really bothered me about him until now.

I’m sick of fake Republicans talking a big talk about how much they hate “big government” while only ever talking about a small part of it. I know, it’s nothing new, but it really bugs me when I hear it, especially from the Tea Party heroes who are supposed to be better than the establishment leaders.

Don’t talk to me about how much you hate Obamacare. Talk to me about how you want to get the federal government out of Medicare. Don’t talk to me about how much you hate food stamps. Talk to me about how you want to get the federal government out of farm subsidies. Don’t talk to me about gun control. Talk to me about how you want to get the federal government out of corrupt defense contracts and military bases and drone strikes and surveillance (to his credit, Cruz briefly mentioned the last two in the midst of his multiple “Obamacare” tirades).

Talk to me about how you want to get the federal government out of the War on Drugs, out of excessive disability benefits, out of ethanol subsidies and indefinite detention and militarized policing and patent extensions and anything the federal government does that gives even a little bit of help to farmers or seniors or veterans or CEOs or anybody else that looks just a little bit Republican.

Until then, don’t be shocked when leading progressives say things like, “This whole dispute is about the Republican Party fighting to make sure the working poor don’t have access to affordable health care.” You and I both know that’s an outrageous lie; if we really didn’t want the poor to access affordable health care we would support Obamacare full throttle because we think it’s terrible for the poor and everyone else! But until you start speaking out against the parts of Big Government that benefit you, don’t expect them to believe you.

I’ve always preferred to admit a general bias towards small government while allowing for reasonable arguments for various general regulations and interventions. I’ve always thought that was more humble and more likely to find truth than adamantly declaring all government as evil. But what’s far worse than really believing that is to say you believe it and then completely ignore all the parts of government that benefit you and your tribe. When you do that, it’s no wonder your poll numbers are hitting record lows.

Yes, The Obamacare Website Really Is Really Bad

The new Obamacare website, Healthcare.gov, officially opened on October 1, when it was immediately greeted by an onslaught on visitors that rendered the site unusable. Liberals trumpeted the millions of visitors as proof of Obamacare’s success (nevermind how many actually signed up or picked plans, as that was probably in the single digits). They attributed the early hiccups to the standard effects of really high traffic that would eventually be resolved.

But the Affordable Care Act site’s troubles run much deeper than just being coded too poorly to prevent empty drop-down menus or including too many javascript files on every page. My experience with the site so far indicates an embarrassingly rushed and incomplete product that I’m hesitant to trust with my personal information.

Only the government would decide to handle heavy traffic levels with a virtual waiting line! Though to be fair, an automatic queueing system is actually a fairly complex and impressive functionality for a website, and though I encountered it every time I visited it usually seemed to update to a log-in screen after a few minutes. But again, heavy traffic is the least of their problems.

Continue reading Yes, The Obamacare Website Really Is Really Bad

Questions To Ask Before Military Intervention In Syria

(Or any other nation)

The primary motivation for American military intervention in Syria seems to be to save civilian lives.* The opposition is often portrayed as having other motivations, such as the intervention not being sufficiently in American interests. However, I think there is a strong case that even if you primarily want to save Syrian civilians, you should actually oppose American military intervention, too.

It is easy to imagine a simple world where people are dying and America intervenes to save their lives. That world does not exist. The real world is more complicated, and there are a number of questions an interventionist should consider before committing strongly to such a position.

1. If America intervenes militarily, how many civilians will be killed by the existing parties? Could intervention to help one side make the other more desperate, reckless, or brutal? Could intervention give victory to a side that ends up slaughtering civilian dissidents the way it slaughters military captives? If Assad goes down, will his chemical weapons get strewn about the country into the hands of who knows who?

2. If America intervenes militarily, how many civilians will be killed by outside parties? Will Iran attack Baghdad? Will Russia send weapons to Assad that eventually kill the civilians we saved from chemical weapons?

3. If America intervenes militarily, how many civilians will be killed by Americans? This is the most uncomfortable set of questions, but the most important set to consider. If we strike with missiles, by ship or by drone, will any of them miss their carefully determined targets and strike civilians? If we send troops, will any of them kill children or rape women while they’re dodging rebel fire?

It is theoretically possible, though in my opinion extremely unlikely, that the answer to all of these questions is No, none, zero, never. It is extremely likely a fact that American military intervention will kill civilians. It is possible that this intervention will save civilian lives on net – though I think even that is highly uncertain – but even in the best case we are essentially talking about killing some civilians to save many more.

This subtly utilitarian argument could be defended, but the average interventionist seems to be imagining a black-and-white world of “civilians are dying, we need to stop it,” not a more realistic “civilians are dying and here’s why I think our intervention might save more of them than we might kill.” That position is harder to argue, perhaps because most of us aren’t actually that utilitarian, at least about murder; maybe the ends don’t ever justify the means. But the point is that even if you are utilitarian here, you need to answer all three of the above types of questions to convince me that your intervention will save more lives than it destroys. Human life is too valuable to settle for less.

*Technically there seems to be an argument that Assad must be punished for using chemical weapons, although there seems to be some reasonable dispute that we know for certain that he was the one that used them, and at any rate the whole argument for punishing chemical weapons use seems to be that they can be used to kill large numbers of civilians, which puts us back where we started.

The Not-So-Terrifying Food Chart

I stumbled on this on the Washington Post site the other day. It’s a supposedly “terrifying chart” that shows “we’re not growing enough food to feed the world”:

Crop yields have been rising for decades, but at their current paces (solid lines) they won’t be nearly enough to meet projected demand (dotted lines). Ergo, terrifying.

I don’t know, maybe I have too much faith in the power of markets and innovation and not enough faith in the “running out of food” movement that’s been wrong for at least six decades, but I’m not feeling too scared here.

The climate change food crisis I looked for a year ago still shows no signs of arriving; world total cereal production is looking to set another record this year. From 1990 to 2010, world population ballooned from 5 billion to 7 billion, yet the number of people living in absolute poverty – a.k.a. probably not getting enough food to eat – dropped from 1.9 billion to 1.2 billion. If we weren’t “growing enough food to feed the world” right now, at least, corn prices wouldn’t be tumbling to an almost 3-year low. (It’s almost like people planted more corn because price signals work or something.)

But what about that future? I see a world whose food production has kept up almost perfectly with demand so far and no reason to doubt it can continue, “physiological limits” of plants notwithstanding. As developing countries get richer, they eat more – but they also get more productive at producing food themselves. It’s even more impressive to consider that we are feeding more and more of the world while using less land to do it; US farms are producing record yields these days even while using 20% fewer acres than they did 60 years ago.

Even if we do start reaching biological limits for increasing yields, there is still plenty of space for growing more food – even just in the US. If prices get high enough, there are millions of lawns and rooftops waiting for innovative farming methods. And have you ever heard of aquaponics? OK, but what about all the meat that increasingly rich populations want to eat? Well, if we can’t breed enough animals in healthy enough environments, prices will make us change our minds. Who knows, maybe that fake meat thing will take off.

There are all sorts of ways incentives will cause people to adapt to keep coming up with ways to keep feeding ourselves, most of which I probably haven’t even imagined. I’m not saying it won’t be hard. But it’s certainly not terrifying.

More Reactions to the Reactions to the George Zimmerman Verdict

I said earlier that I thought millions of people were not qualified to be upset about The Verdict. I still believe that, but I’ve been talking with a liberal friend to try to better understand them instead of automatically writing them all off. Megan McArdle noted that the left and right have reversed criminal justice stances in this case – usually it’s the right that’s all about punishment and justice and deterrence, and the left that doesn’t want harsh jail time because it’s not very rehabilitative or whatever. So what’s going on to make the left so upset that George was acquitted?

Well, it’s important to remember that this happened in the context of blacks being treated unfairly in our criminal justice system. Blacks get arrested for marijuana at much higher rates than whites. There’s the 100 to 1 disparity between sentencing for crack (apparently more likely to be used by blacks) and powder cocaine (apparently more likely to be used by whites). There’s debate over whether driving while black is a real thing or not, but many are at least convinced it’s a real thing, just as many are convinced that blacks who kill are more likely to be convicted than people who kill blacks. There are stories like the Florida mom who got 20 years for firing warning shots, although the circumstances seem a little convoluted.

Now we could argue that many of these things are not as unjust as they seem due to hidden or historical or socioeconomic or whatever factors that don’t require enduring, widespread racism, but the point is that many people have an existing worldview where black lives have no little to no value in the American justice system.

Enter Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman.

It never ceases to amaze me how different people can arrive at such different yet so confident conclusions about the same event when none of them were there but they all theoretically have access to all the same information. You have liberals forming narratives like this:

Zimmerman was an overeager would-be cop, a self-appointed guardian of the neighborhood who carried a loaded gun. They were told that he profiled Martin — young, black, hooded sweatshirt — as a criminal. They heard that he stalked Martin despite the advice of a 911 operator; that the stalking led to a confrontation; and that, in the confrontation, Zimmerman fatally shot Martin in the chest.

The jurors also knew that Martin was carrying only a bag of candy and a soft drink. They knew that Martin was walking from a 7-Eleven to the home of his father’s girlfriend when he noticed a strange man in an SUV following him.

To me, and to many who watched the trial, the fact that Zimmerman recklessly initiated the tragic encounter was enough to establish, at a minimum, guilt of manslaughter.

And you have conservatives forming narratives like this:

  • Zimmerman claimed to be trying to follow from a safe distance just so police would have a chance to question Martin. There had been break ins and what George did really isn’t any different than what other neighborhood watches have done in the past. Martin didn’t like being followed so he gave Zimmerman the slip, hid in the shadows, waiting for Zimmerman to pass, and then Martin approached Zimmerman from behind, initiated the confrontation and broke Zimmerman’s nose. No evidence or testimony has ever contradicted this.
  • Other than the single point blank gun shot wound, Martin had no injuries. Zimmerman on the other hand looked beaten all to hell. This was consistent with Zimmerman being on the receiving end of an unexpected one sided beat down.
  • When investigating officers lied and told Zimmerman that they had footage of the incident, Zimmerman was relieved, and said something along the lines of, “Thank God! I was hoping someone would have filmed to help prove what happened.” This convinced the officer that Zimmerman was telling the truth.

So, if you already believe that blacks are often unfairly treated as criminals, you see evidence of Zimmerman treating Martin like a criminal and ignoring the 911 operator, and that’s all you need because it fits your stereotype. It started with racial profiling of an innocent boy and ended in his death. You see the police’s initial refusal to investigate as more evidence of the broken justice system. You tend to ignore the details of what Zimmerman told the police or the blood on his head (or say it wasn’t bloody enough), or the details of Florida self-defense law, because Zimmerman started the whole thing and Matin was unarmed, so how could that be self-defense anyway? What more do you need to convict for murder?

On the other hand, if you already believe that blacks are often violent, you see evidence of Zimmerman getting beat up, and that’s all you need because it fits your stereotype. You see Zimmerman calling 911 before and going to the police after as evidence of his efforts to be honest and non-secretive. You see the police’s initial refusal to investigate as evidence of how obvious the self-defense was from the beginning. You tend to ignore the claims that Martin said “get off!” during his phone call, or the details of Zimmerman following Martin (or explaining the profiling as justified in light of some recent robberies).

You may beg to differ with some of my statements if you followed the story more than I did. But at the very least I think it’s possible that both of them made mistakes that led to a tragic ending. Yet, in my attempts to understand the different intense feelings here, I can’t help but think that everybody’s focusing on it way too much. This focus clouds the attention to the broader issue of criminal justice for American blacks, and makes people project things about the broader issue that may not be true.

Stand Your Ground.. Everybody

Many conservatives betrayed their stereotypes about black violence when they severely over-predicted rioting in response to the verdict. But what about liberal stereotypes about black injustice? Daily Kos says “Stand Your Ground: Just not if you’re black or female,” pointing to the Alexander story mentioned above.

Yet Zimmerman and Alexander are just two data points – what about the 131 or so other cases? Apparently blacks have used “Stand Your Ground” and been acquitted over 50% of the time, even slightly higher than the rate for whites. Atlantic Wire says blacks don’t actually benefit from that law, but I think it’s all about how you spin the numbers.

One graph shows a black killer claiming the self-defense law on a white victim and being acquitted 67% of the time! How many people with a tainted view of our justice system would expect that to be closer to zero? But wait. Is our system still racist because a white killer of a black victim was acquitted even more often (85%). Or is it not racist because whites who kill whites in self-defense get acquitted even less often than blacks (56%)?

Or maybe there’s just not enough data here to make broad claims about the justice system. But it’s definitely more complicated than you might think if you only hear about a couple of big stories.

Open Season!!!!!

What’s really bad, though, are the opinionators claiming that this verdict means it’s “open season” on “kids who wear hoodies at night,” or that it feels better to have a daughter because this verdict means sons are not safe, as if black children used to live happy, peaceful lives that are all now threatened by all the half-white, half-Hispanic racists who are now walking around with guns imagining danger so they can mow them all down.

We’ve already seen how the self-defense law may be helping protect blacks from violence as much as it “encourages” violence against them. But many blacks are troubled enough already without throwing into the mix the alarming racists who allow them to ignore the uncomfortable truth that the vast majority of blacks (93%) are killed by… other blacks, often in urban, inner-city neighborhoods.

Like 16-year-old Joseph Brewer, Jr. I can’t even figure out if they know who the shooter was, much less if he’s going to be apprehended and put on trial. Why am I seeing so many heartfelt blog posts about what Trayvon’s death implies about race relations in our country when many more Trayvons are dying unnoticed in our cities every day in shootouts that have nothing to do with race?

Maybe we should be talking about bigger things, like cycles of poverty and whether various welfare programs are making things better or worse. Maybe we should be talking about the War on Drugs, where the legal vacuum for resolving disputes among dealers and distributors and consumers basically generates violence on a daily basis. If we want to save lives, maybe we should stop devoting so much time and attention to one tragic, complicated case that got so much attention because it was so rare. Maybe we should stop criticizing racism and bad stereotypes and injustice for existing, and start viewing them as symptoms that spring from the root causes of a more general violence. Maybe that’s too hard.

Our Justice System Is Broken, But Not Because Of Trayvon Martin

Yesterday, George Zimmermann was found not guilty. Immediately millions of people reacted with outrage, disgust, anger, and other negative emotions because they wanted justice for Trayvon Martin in the form of a guilty verdict. Apparently a lot of these people were more informed about the case than the jury, because they’re all saying that the justice system is broken and failed.

When the shooting happened over a year ago, we saw similar outrage. I said then that Everyone was Not Qualified To Have An Opinion about it. I guess everyone’s qualified to have some kind of opinion about the shooting now, but You’re Not Qualified To Have An Opinion About The Verdict. From everything I’ve seen about the case (which admittedly isn’t a whole lot), there seems to be enough confusion about what really happened that there’s at least “reasonable doubt,” and in a properly functioning justice system that should mean an acquittal. It only means guilty when your justice is determined by a majority mob of opinionated rumor-chasers.

That’s not to say that our justice system doesn’t have big problems.

The system is broken because we incarcerate more people than any other nation, half of them for non-violent drug offenses, most of whom are black and poor, contributing to continuing cycles of poverty and broken families.

It’s broken because we have an increasingly militarized police, prone to overreaction and immune from consequences.

It’s broken because we’ve legalized indefinite detention of American citizens with no right to trial, and because we have secret courts that write their own secret rules about surveillance.

Maybe it’s broken if the same law that acquitted Zimmermann convicted a black woman for 20 years.

But it’s not broken when a jury acquits someone whose guilt is not beyond reasonable doubt; two wrongs don’t make a right. Sure, let’s work to change unjust laws, to heal race relations, to protect young black men from being killed by whites, Hispanics, AND other blacks. But don’t get angry about a verdict just because you’d already made up your mind.